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The first Intifada (1987 - 1993), was a spontaneous
explosion of popular resistance to the Israeli occupation, a
resistance which had begun some fifty years before. The Palestinian
people made a conscious and determined choice to consolidate their
efforts in the struggle toward independence, regardless of the cost.
The coordination of resistance activities through a body called The
United Leadership of the Intifada, illustrated the depth and breadth
of Palestinian aspirations for freedom. The force with which the
Intifada began and continued for eight years stunned not only
Israel, but indeed, all countries of the world.
One of the consequences of this first Intifada was the international
conference in Madrid. No matter how frequently the negotiators met
in Washington and elsewhere during this time, Israel refused to
comply with the basic requirements for peace. United Nations
resolutions 242 and 338 were suddenly not acceptable for Israel, not
to mention Resolution 194, which calls for the right of refugees to
return. The Madrid Conference served to divert the growing public
awareness of Israel as an occupying power with a violent,
oppressive, expansionist, colonialist, and racist character.
Two years later, the world was taken by surprise at the announcement
of the Oslo Accord, signed in September 1993. While the world was
sold a "peace myth," the reality was something quite different. The
primary aim of Oslo was to kill the Intifada and to ensure that
Israel gained as many political benefits as possible, all the while
transforming its identity into that of a peace-making country.
Israel did not withdraw from the occupied territories, as it had
been agreed upon at Oslo. Hebron was divided. More land was
confiscated. Jerusalemites were forced to relinquish their residency
rights. Settlements increased at breakneck speed, which make the
concept of Israeli withdrawal almost impossible (from an Israeli
point of view, at least). Houses were demolished and trees were
uprooted. Finally, Palestinian lands were torn into areas A, B, and
C (not to mention the complete closure of Jerusalem), creating
easily- controllable and easily-suppressible bantustans.
During and after Oslo, the Palestinian people lived a nightmare of
schizophrenia: pro-Oslo, contra-Oslo; Palestinians inside the
territories, Palestinians outside; Gaza, West Bank; 1967
Palestinians, 1948 Palestinians; the Palestinian Authority marching
to the tune of Oslo, the parliamentary opposition exercising its
legitimate and democratic right within Palestinian society to reveal
that Oslo was a dead end.
In the midst of all the confusion, most Palestinians were waiting
patiently for Oslo to restore their national freedom, lost 33 years
ago. They were waiting for Oslo to bring peace and prosperity. They
were waiting to see how they could finally move freely within and
outside the country. They were waiting for their prisoners to be
freed. They were waiting for their own state where they could
finally find peace and security. They were waiting for family
reunions which would unite families who had not been together in 50
years.
The reality, however, quickly jarred their patient waiting. Instead
of prosperity, the economic situation deteriorated to a level worse
than in 1987. Instead of experiencing unity, Palestinian lands were
torn apart. In Hebron, for example, 400 Jewish settlers were given
free reign to control and terrorize the lives of 120,000 Palestinian
people (with the aid of the Israeli army). The Palestinian people
were subjected to a charade of evil and deceit. In addition, the
Palestinian leadership, impotent in the face of Israeli aggression,
agreed to seemingly unlimited concessions to Israeli demands - until
there was no more to give. Instead of setting the stage for
Palestinians to move toward freedom and independence, Oslo was
dragging them toward fragmentation and surrender. Negotiations with
the Israelis were starting to address the four points that had been
postponed seven years earlier, namely: Jerusalem, the settlements,
refugees, and the establishment of a state.
Not only is Israel unwilling to give back occupied East Jerusalem
and to stop its settlement activity, it is unable even to recognize
its moral and historic responsibility for the catastrophe of the
Palestinians people. Israel rejects any responsibility for the
Palestinian refugee problem. A Palestinian state may be "acceptable"
to Israel, only if it is bereft of all the typical ingredients of a
viable state, foremost among them, sovereignty. Suddenly, we see the
transformation of the establishment of a Palestinian state into an
Israeli prerequisite for the completion of its hegemony. Any peace
agreement that might be signed based on these conditions would
amount to an agreement of surrender on the part of the Palestinians.
The Paris Economic Protocol (1996), on which Israel insists any
future relations be based, is one example of the intended
circumcision of the coming Palestinian State.
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