Anna Baltzer writing from
Nablus, occupied Palestine
The
Electronic Intifada
13 March 2007
What most struck me about the
Nablus invasion wasn't the killing of unarmed civilians. It
wasn't the obstruction of medical workers and ambulances, or the
indiscriminate detention of males, or the occupied houses and
curfews. What I will remember for the rest of my life is the
steadfast resistance of the people of Nablus.
I came to Palestine to document
and intervene in human rights abuses and to support nonviolent
resistance to the Occupation. As I delivered bread and medicine
with medical relief workers throughout the invasion, I wondered
if I was really fulfilling my mission. Wasn't handing out aid
simply accommodating and enabling the curfew?
An experienced Israeli
solidarity organizer named Neta Golan eventually clarified
things for me. She explained, "It's very good to distribute
bread and medicine to needy people, but the real power and
purpose of what you are doing is something else: First and
foremost, you are supporting Palestinians who are breaking
curfew. That is nonviolent resistance. And as you move around in
spite of the army's indiscriminate imposition of house arrest,
you empower others to do so as well. If the army knows there are
dozens or even hundreds of civilians in the streets, and that
several of them are internationals, they cannot shoot anything
that moves, which they have done during curfews in the past."
Neta was right. Simply being
outside was a powerful form of nonviolent resistance. But the
Palestinians didn't need much empowering -- from the first day
of the invasion, I saw various civilians on the streets and in
cars driving through the city, defying the army simply by trying
to carry on some semblance of daily life.
Some Palestinians went a step
further in defiance. Once when the army stopped me and Firas
from UPMRC from entering part of the Old City with bread, Firas
waited ten minutes and then said, "Anna, come with me." He
grabbed as many bags as he could carry, and began walking past
the jeeps. I grabbed twelve pounds of bread and scrambled after
him past the soldiers, who had come out of their jeeps and were
yelling, "Hey! Stop! What are you doing? We said you can't
enter!" Firas kept walking steadily and I turned around to the
soldiers. "We're delivering bread to hungry people. What are you
going to do, shoot us?" They were speechless and held their
fire.
As we walked away, Firas smiled
at me and said, "Next time it will be easier." Indeed, when we
returned with more bread, the soldiers told us we could go this
time but only for five minutes. "Sure," we said and kept
walking, knowing the 18-year-olds were trying to salvage some
power in the situation.
Resistance was creative and
ubiquitous: When speaking English loudly to remind soldiers that
internationals were around became tedious and forced, one
Palestinian girl suggested that we sing her favorite song, "I
Will Always Love You," by Whitney Houston. So we sang together
as we came around corners to soldiers breaking into houses,
annoyed at us for disturbing the silence of their invasions. I
hoped that singing would be both nonthreatening and humanizing
in the eyes of the soldiers, while still achieving our
objective. When the army prevented medical workers and
internationals from entering the Old City, they gathered posters
and paint and put together an impromptu demonstration,
documented by all the media who were also barred from the Old
City. The protesters sat yelling cheers in front of an occupied
hospital until jeeps gassed them.
The most powerful demonstration
came a week later in honor of Women's Day. The Women's Union in
Nablus organized a rally and march in conjunction with the
Public Committee Against Closure, UPMRC, the Union of Health
Committees, and other local groups, for the city of Nablus to
reassert their power and rights after a week ofinvasions.
Hundreds of Palestinians, mostly women, gathered and marched to
Huwwara -- the checkpoint enclosing the city from the South --
carrying flags and pictures of sons, husbands, brothers, and
fathers who are wanted or imprisoned, or have been killed by the
army. Hundreds of women held their ground as soldiers equipped
with riot gear pushed the crowd back.
My colleague Nova recognized
one of the pushing soldiers from the invasion because our
interaction with him had left such an impression. On Wednesday
during curfew we were accompanying a doctor on duty when the
soldier forbade our group to pass. He explained, "That man is
not a doctor. He's a killer." We were incredulous, and I
prompted him to explain further. "An Arab killed my friend, and
this man is an Arab." I replied, "I'm sorry to hear about your
friend, but that doesn't mean that all Arabs are killers." He
was unmoved. He was also not alone. The soldier holding Firas
and me back had also shamelessly pronounced his wrath for Arabs.
Certainly there are racists everywhere in the world, but it's
particularly striking to listen to such hatred from a teenager
who has been handed an M16 and near impunity in the land of the
people he despises.
Of course, most of the soldiers
didn't volunteer such remarks and probably considered themselves
charitable to the Palestinians, given the circumstances. One
soldier who detained us for half an hour bragged about all the
food and medicine he'd allowed through. He couldn't understand
what the Palestinians were still complaining about. I asked him
where he was from.
"Tel Aviv."
"So if armed Palestinians
invaded Tel Aviv, shut the entire population in their homes, and
allowed aid workers to bring around food and medicine, you
wouldn't complain?"
He said that was different. I
asked how. He changed the subject. I asked him how long he was
going to punish my colleague and me by detaining us on the
street. He said he wasn't punishing us, that we just had to wait
a little while, which was normal. I asked:
"So if armed Palestinians
stopped you outside your house, demanded your ID, and prevented
you from going to work, you would consider that normal?" He
changed the subject again.
The Occupation and invasions
have been happening for so long that soldiers forget they are
illegal occupiers with no legitimate authority in the area. It's
as if the Mafia took over New York City; it may be beneficial to
obey at certain times, but it's certainly not the law. The
Occupation itself is illegal according to international law. But
even according to agreements signed by Israel, Nablus is in Area
A, the 12-17 percent of the West Bank where Israelis are
forbidden according to Oslo II. This is the same Oslo II that is
among the agreements Israel and the rest of the world are
demanding that Hamas recognize in order for the Palestinian
population to regain the lifeline of economic support that was
pulled a year ago.
It's always illuminating to
switch the pronouns around. Israel arms teenagers and sends them
into Palestinian cities, where they consistently kill unarmed
civilians. What happens when Palestinian armed teenagers enter
an Israeli city? Israel violates Oslo II every day, but the
Palestinian government will not be recognized or returned its
own tax dollars until it fully accepts the same agreement. (The
agreement, by the way, falls vastly short of international law
and full human rights for Palestinians.) Israel is justified in
planning major offensives against Palestinian fighters. What
about attacks against Israeli fighters, the soldiers themselves?
It's worth noting that the soldiers are the very targets of the
wanted men, not Israeli civilians. Al Aqsa Martyr's Brigade
plans attacks against armed fighters illegally occupying and
confiscating their -- Palestinian -- land. It would seem the
hunter and hunted in Nablus are guilty of the same crime:
attacking the enemy's soldiers. Except that armed struggle
against illegal occupation forces is actually protected under
international law, whereas Israel's occupation is not.
I met some of the hunted the
day before I left Nablus, including a leader of Al Aqsa Martyr's
Brigade, whom I'll call Moussa. An acquaintance led a colleague
and me to where a group of them were sitting and drinking juice
in the Old City. They welcomed us and brought us sweet coffee.
Moussa was a soft-spoken man not much older than forty, while
most of the other wanted men were mere teenagers, curious and
excited to meet foreigners. Moussa raised his voice just once
during our conversation, to yell at one of the boys for trying
to take my picture on his cell phone. He said it could be
extremely dangerous for soldiers to find evidence of our meeting
if/when the men were caught or killed, and refused my business
card for the same reason.
After some time, I asked Moussa
if he had a message to the people of America. He thanked me for
the opportunity and began to speak:
I am from the Palestinian armed
resistance to the Occupation. I am opposed to violence against
any civilians, whether they are Palestinian or Israeli, Muslim
or Jewish. I hate fighting, but when soldiers invade our homes,
our land, and our lives, it is our duty to resist them, to
resist the theft of our water, our self determination, and our
dignity. We are human just like you. We want to live, to have
families, a normal life. But if we must fight to our death to
protect what is ours, our land, the future of our children, we
are ready to do so.
I invite you to look at maps
and statistics of this conflict over time. I lament the killing
of innocent people on both sides, but the tremendous
disproportion of land and water rights, civil liberties, and
civilian casualties on the two sides is undeniable. The
international community calls us terrorists, but we would
welcome any objective international presence to bear witness to
what is happening here and come to their own conclusions. Is
beating unarmed children, medical workers, and even
internationals not terror? Is taking advantage of lulls in
violence -- when the press isn't watching -- to accelerate
expansion of settlements in land and water rich areas not a
crime?
Palestinians have coexisted
harmoniously with Jews in the past, and we are ready to do so
again. After all, Jews are our brothers and sisters, people of
faith just like us. As our party Fatah has said many times
before, we are ready to live in peace with Israel if there can
be a just and viable resolution to the issues of borders,
distribution of water, settlements, Jerusalem, and the refugees.
These are our conditions, and they are also our rights.
Moussa is a dead man walking,
but he will continue to resist as long as he can, as will all
the people of Nablus in their own ways. I relay Moussa's message
not to defend violence, but because I believe his perspective
has a right be heard. Different sides of any conflict deserve to
have a voice, but the mainstream media is unlikely to pick up
Moussa's speech, just as they haven't picked up anything but the
most sensationalistic aspects of the invasion. They haven't
mentioned the way beautiful old houses were destroyed by
soldiers looking for nonexistent tunnels. They haven't mentioned
the walls of the Old City broken down by Israeli hummers too
wide to fit down the narrow streets, and the water pipes along
the walls that were busted and sprayed throughout the curfew,
costing the city tons of its precious clean water supply. They
haven't mentioned the 400-year-old Turkish baths that soldiers
used as a military base between operations, and then destroyed
from top to bottom. Several families were dependent on the
cultural jewel, which we found in ruins, playing cards all over
the floor left by soldiers next to the benches where they would
have slept.
The media haven't mentioned the
house burned from the inside, or the families of wanted men who
were beaten and detained, or the 15-year-old boy shot in the
wrist with a rubber bullet while he was out buying bread for his
family. They haven't mentioned the way the jeeps returned every
night, even after Israel announced that the operation was over.
I would like to tell you about each of them in detail, but to be
honest, with every passing hour there are new tragedies to
report and attend to. I also know that this report is already
longer than most busy Americans will have time in their daily
lives to read. If you did make it this far, thank you, and until
the world stops silencing Palestinian tragedies and voices,
please help me let these stories be heard.
All images by
Anna Baltzer.
Anna Baltzer is a volunteer
with the International Women's Peace Service in the West Bank
and author of the book, Witness in Palestine: Journal of a
Jewish American Woman in the Occupied Territories. For
information about her writing, photography, DVD, and speaking
tours, visit her website at
www.AnnaInTheMiddleEast.com