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Ramzy Baroud: Bush's Real Agenda
in Palestine
Palestine Chronicle
29 July, 2007
While Bush may be calling for peace conferences, the US
policy of unequivocal bias towards Israel and attacking all that
defend Arab and Palestinian rights is as firm as ever.
The Hamas government crackdown on Mohamed Dahlan's corrupt
security forces and affiliated gangs in the Gaza Strip in June
appears to mark a turning point in the Bush administration's
foreign policy regarding Palestine and Israel. The supposed
shift, however, is nothing but a continuation of Washington's
efforts to stifle Palestinian democracy, to widen the chasm
separating Hamas and Fatah, and to ensure the success of the
Israeli project, which is focussed on colonising and annexing
what remains of Palestinian land.
It's vital that we keep this seemingly obvious reality at
the forefront of any political discussion dealing with the
conflict: the occupied Palestinian territories represent a mere
22 per cent of historic Palestine. Currently, Israel is on a
quest to reduce this even further by officially conquering the
West Bank and occupied East Jerusalem. Gaza is only relevant to
this issue insofar as it represents a golden opportunity to
divide Palestinians further, to confuse their national project
and to present a grim picture of them as an unruly people who
cannot be trusted as peace partners to the far more civilised
and democratic Israelis.
By prolonging Gazan strife, thus the Palestinian split,
Israel will acquire the time required to consolidate its
colonial project, and to further rationalise its unilateral
policies vis-à-vis matters that should, naturally, be negotiated
with the Palestinians.
Moreover, one must not lose sight of the regional context.
The Israeli lobby and its neo- conservative allies in the US
administration and in the media are eager for a military
showdown with Iran, which would weaken Syria's political
standing in any future negotiation with Israel in regards to the
occupied Golan Heights, and which would obliterate the military
strength of Hizbullah, proven to be the toughest enemy Israel
has ever faced in its decades-long conflict with the Arabs.
Thus, its was of paramount importance for Hamas's "rise" to
be linked directly to its relations with Iran; such ties,
although greatly exaggerated, are now readily used as a
rationale to explain Bush's seemingly historic move from backing
Israel from a discreet distance (so as not to appear too
involved) to initiating an international peace conference aimed
solely at isolating Hamas, which would further weaken the
Iranian camp in the Middle East.
It also explains the abundant support offered by autocratic
Arab regimes to Abbas, and Arab leaders' warnings about the rise
of an Iranian menace. On the one hand, eliminating Hamas would
send an unambiguous message to their own political Islamists; on
the other, it's a message to Iran to back off from a conflict
that has long been seen as exclusively Arab-Israeli. The irony
is that to ensure the relevance of the Arab role in the
conflict, some Arabs are making historic moves to normalise with
Israel, and in return for nothing.
Similarly, to ensure its own relevance, Abbas's Fatah is
actively coordinating with Israel to destroy its formidable
opponent, which represents the great majority of Palestinians in
the occupied territories and arguably abroad. For this,
assistance is required: money to ensure the loyalty of his
followers, weapons to oppress his opponents, political
validation to legitimise himself as a world leader, and new laws
to de-legitimise the legal, democratic process that produced the
Hamas victory of January 2006. In a conflict that is known for
its agonisingly slow movement, nothing short of a miracle can
explain how Abbas received all of these perks at an astronomical
speed.
The moment Abbas declared his arguably unconstitutional
emergency government, the suffocating sanctions were lifted --
or more accurately, on the West Bank only. To ensure that no aid
reaches anyone who defies his regime, Abbas's office revoked the
licences of all NGOs operating in Palestine, making it necessary
for them to submit new applications. Those loyal to Abbas are
in. The rest are out.
Weapons and military training have also arrived in
abundance. Palestinians who have been denied the right to defend
themselves, and for decades described as "terrorist", are
suddenly the recipients of many caches of weapons coming from
all directions. Israel announced a clemency to Fatah militants;
the freedom fighters turned gangsters will no longer defend
their people against Israeli brutality, but will be used as a
militant arm ready to take on Hamas when the time comes.
As for regional and international legitimacy, the Bush
administration "decided" to change its policy to one of direct
engagement, calling for an international Middle East peace
conference. The conference will be about peace in name only, for
it will not deal with any of the major grievances of the
Palestinians that have fuelled the conflict for years, such as
the problem of refugees, Jerusalem and the drawing of borders.
Israel is of course willing to "concede" if these efforts will
reframe the conflict as exclusively Palestinian, and as long as
there is no objection to its illegal annexation of Palestinian
land in the West Bank and Jerusalem.
The reality is that there has been no change in American
foreign policy regarding Palestine. The US, Israel and a few
Arab regimes are pursuing the same old policy, which is merely
being adjusted to fit the new political context.
While Abbas and his men might bask in the many bonuses they
are receiving in exchange for their role in destroying the
Palestinian national project, the future will prove that
Israel's "goodwill gestures", the support of the Israeli lobby
in Washington, and the latter's generosity will not last. Abbas
could as easily find himself a prisoner in the basement of his
own presidential compound, just like his predecessor, if he
dares assert the legitimate rights of his people, by far the
ultimate losers in this shameless battle.
-Ramzy Baroud is a Palestinian-American author and editor
of PalestineChronicle.com. His work has been published in
numerous newspapers and journals worldwide, including the
Washington Post, Al Ahram Weekly and Le Monde Diplomatique. His
latest book is The Second Palestinian Intifada: A Chronicle of a
People's Struggle (Pluto Press, London). Read more about him on
his website: ramzybaroud.net
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